Defining and classifying models of groups: The social ontology of higher-order networks
Abstract
In complex systems research, the study of higher-order interactions has exploded in recent years. Researchers have formalized various types of group interactions, such as public goods games, biological contagion, and information broadcasting, showing how higher-order networks can capture group effects more directly than pairwise models. However, equating hyperedges—edges involving more than two agents—with groups can be misleading, as it obscures the polysemous nature of the term “group interactions”. For instance, many models of higher-order interactions focus on the internal state of the hyperedge, specifying dynamical rules at the group level. In doing so, these models often neglect how interactions with external groups can influence behaviors and dynamics within the group itself. Yet, anthropologists and philosophers remind us that external norms, factors, and forces governing intergroup behavior, in the form of intergroup competition or cooperation, are essential to defining within-group dynamics. In this paper, we synthesize concepts from social ontology relevant to the emerging physics of higher-order networks. We propose a typology for classifying models of group interactions based on two key perspectives. The first focuses on individuals within groups engaging in collective action, where shared agency serves as the binding force. The second adopts a group-first approach, emphasizing institutional facts that extend beyond the specific individuals involved. Building on these perspectives, we introduce four dimensions to classify models of group interactions: persistence, coupling, reducibility, and alignment. For the physics of higher-order networks, we provide a hierarchy of nested mathematical models to explore the complex properties of social groups. We also highlight social interactions that have not yet been explored in the literature on higher-order networks and propose future research avenues to foster collaboration between social ontology and the physics of complex systems.
1 Introduction
Broadly defined, the mathematical modeling of complex systems [1], and in particular network science [2], is the multidisciplinary study of how interactions in a system shape the emergent properties and functions of the system. In recent years, there has been a large wave of research on higher-order networks where group interactions are modeled more directly as hyperedges, which can be different entities based on their order and size [3]. With hyperedges, group interactions at a higher order, such as adolescent cliques, committed minorities, information broadcasting, or contagion within households, can be shown to be different from the pairwise interactions at a lower order [4]. By modeling group interactions at higher orders, we can analyze them as more than mere correlated bundles of pairwise interactions. However, human group interactions extend beyond individuals interacting with one another. Group norms and institutions shape group behaviors just as groups influence individual dynamics, yet they remain irreducible to multi-way interactions between individuals. For instance, mask mandates and other shielding measures significantly alter contagion dynamics in workplaces, extending beyond the effects of higher-order interactions alone [5]. These public health policies are the end result of cumulative cultural learning, shaped by thousands of years of socio-technical innovations and intergroup competition [6, 7, 8]. Similarly, while an increase in the number of coauthors in papers may hint at the rise of teams in science [9, 10], modeling the norms and practices within teams directly offers a different perspective on the role of collaboration in shaping scientific productivity.
To model networks beyond higher-order interactions, we propose a typology of group interactions that is informed by the long-standing history of “group minds” in the social sciences and, more broadly, the social ontology of groups. We use group minds to refer to a recurring idea across disciplines and time periods—the idea that societies and human groups can exhibit emergent, group-level properties. We establish two key connections. The first highlights the impact of group interactions on individuals, particularly as influenced by varying degrees of group persistence and coupling. Just as the Condorcet’s voting paradox and other anti-aggregation arguments in social choice theory demonstrate that group attitudes can contradict individual preferences [11], higher-order interactions display nonlinear behavior as they cannot be reduced to a simple additive function of independent individual influences.
The second connection focuses on strongly non-reducible groups, distinguishing them from groups that are weakly emergent due to the absence of a simple aggregation scheme. Whereas weak emergence can simply arise from the complex organization of group members, we define strongly non-reducible groups as those with norms and institutions that do not directly follow from the states of their members. By adopting a group-level perspective that emphasizes the role of institutional facts, we argue that we can better investigate the coevolution of individuals and groups—an aspect that is difficult to capture by focusing on individual-based dynamics. We can then show how possible dissonance between individuals and institutions can emerge by reintroducing individual preferences within the context of group dynamics based on group-level fitness. This approach enables us to model group epistemology, cognition, and rationality within higher-order network models, providing a framework for understanding the norms and institutions that govern group interactions.
Taken together, we establish a typology of group models with the following dimensions: persistence, coupling, reducibility, and alignment. This typology helps address ongoing disagreements about the underlying ontology of models of groups. Consider the fact that reviews of higher-order networks often focus on group effects in dynamical processes and group structure in network data, without ever formally defining groups or their properties [4]. Consequently, it becomes difficult to know whether different modeling techniques agree on group definitions or whether they account for equivalent group features or not. For instance, complex contagion dynamics based on social reinforcement are often not considered “higher-order”, even when they occur over groups [12, 13]. Colloquially, one key distinction for a system to be considered a higher-order network model appears to be whether the dynamical rules are nonlinear and independent of interactions outside the group.
For example, in our typology, we will distinguish between models assuming isolation and those depending on the states of agents outside the group, or their coupling. If coupled, the dynamics within a hyperedge are not fully determined by the state of that hyperedge, and such complex dynamics might not fall under the purview of the current higher-order network literature [4]. Interestingly, this distinction is more rooted in mathematical convenience than in empirical evidence [14, 15]. Conversely, in many evolutionary models of groups, the role of other groups is essential to understand focal groups [6, 16]. Our typology is meant to help compare these different definitions and modeling frameworks for groups.
The rest of the paper proceeds as follows. We first provide a brief history of group minds, highlighting the debate surrounding group realism in the sciences (Sec. 2). By examining how beliefs about the existence of groups have shaped social science methodologies, we can better address inconsistencies about the nature of groups in contemporary models of group interactions. Next, we develop a hierarchy of nested mathematical models to explore increasingly complex and detailed properties of social groups (Sec. 3). We begin by presenting models of group persistence and coupling mapped to group interactions derived from aggregation-based arguments. We then introduce models of group irreducibility, incorporating the concept of individual-group misalignment. In its most detailed form, our framework allows us to mathematically consider important questions such as collective beliefs, shared intentions, and emerging institutions.
2 A short history of group minds
Understanding how group behavior emerges from individuals, and when it cannot be reduced to them, has long challenged both social scientists and modelers. In this section, we examine foundational debates over the ontology of groups, particularly the tension between methodological individualism and group realism, as they have shaped how researchers conceptualize and model group interactions. Our aim is to show how differing ontological commitments continue to inform and constrain contemporary modeling choices. By foregrounding these debates, we motivate the conceptual axes of our typology and clarify the assumptions embedded in different approaches to modeling higher-order interactions. This review thus serves to situate our framework within a long-standing intellectual tradition, while also highlighting where existing models may oversimplify or obscure key aspects of social group dynamics.
The early debate
A longstanding question in the social sciences concerns whether groups are distinct entities with their own dynamics or just convenient labels for aggregates of individuals. This debate is best understood as one between group realism and methodological individualism (MI), shaped by early theoretical developments in sociology and economics [17, 18]. Group realists like Durkheim emphasized the emergent properties of society, arguing that social norms and institutions regulate behavior and exist independently of individual intentions. While this may seem like a strong ontological commitment—one that prompted disagreements then as now—consider how professions or legal codes can hardly be reduced to any single individual [19, p.51]. And yet, paradoxically, they are enacted by individuals all the same. MI, as championed by Weber and Schumpeter, argued that only individuals have desires and beliefs; thus, social phenomena must ultimately be explained in terms of individual motives and actions. Schumpeter coined the term “methodological individualism” to clarify that treating groups as agents is not merely misleading—it is a category error that confuses individual-level properties with collective entities [17]. Yet, the issue persisted in different forms throughout the twentieth century [20, 21, 22], with methodological individualism taking on changing faces over time [23].
Social network analysis
Emerging in the mid-20th century, social network analysis (SNA) shifted focus to patterns of interaction among individuals, using sociograms to map relationships [24]. Inspired by early sociologists such as Simmel, SNA pioneers developed bipartite graphs with two types of nodes—individuals and the groups or events to which they belonged—to capture affiliation patterns [25, 26, 27, 28]. This duality enabled researchers to study overlapping memberships and community structure indirectly, through individual-level ties. However, despite tracking group affiliations, SNA largely retained MI’s emphasis on individuals as the primary units of analysis [29, 30]. Groups appeared only as aggregations of pairwise ties or node attributes, without independent dynamics of their own.
As a result, bipartite models struggled to represent genuine group-level phenomena, such as the temporal dynamics of group memberships, relationships between groups, emergence of norms, or institutional memory. The assumption was that all group effects could be derived from individual interactions, missing essential feedback loops or emergent group states. In contrast, more recent higher-order network models, based on hypergraphs or simplicial complexes, allow direct modeling of group interactions as irreducible entities with nonlinear dynamics, providing tools that address some of the concerns of group realist perspectives.
Groups are real
In response to MI’s growing influence, a number of scholars mounted a defense of groups as legitimate units of analysis [31, 32, 33, 34]. In Groups Are Real: A Reaffirmation, sociologist Warriner challenges methodological individualism by framing the debate as one between nominalists—who view groups as mere aggregations of individuals (with all reality vested in the individual)—and realists, who regard groups as ontologically distinct entities. He also critiques interactionists, who try to balance individual and group perspectives but tend to default to individual-level explanations, since groups lack the clear boundaries and subjective experiences of individuals. But, just as individuals are not reducible to their biology, he insists that groups are not reducible to the individuals that compose them.
At this point, scholars sought to ground group realism in observable mechanisms or formal models. Campbell (1956) argued that groups are real, but the organism-like analogy is misleading [31]. To make his argument, he drew from the common fate principle—the Gestalt idea that elements moving together in unison share a degree of reality. This principle helps explain why groups are perceived as real even if they lack physical unity, like a body. Think of a flock of birds or a marching band; no physical boundary binds them, but their coordinated movement signals a degree of we-ness (a property Campbell liked to call entitativity). Meanwhile, Simon (1964) made the argument that organizational goals cannot be simply reduced to individual goals [35]. Instead, organizations operate through structured roles that shape behavior at every level. Simon argued that organizational goals are emergent; they do not simply reflect the preferences of CEOs, boards, or stakeholders but instead arise from the constraints imposed by institutional roles at every level of the organization [35]. Indeed, organizational goals may even conflict with those of individuals, and organizational survival can depend on how well it maintains institutions that preserve the alignment between individual and group goals. Simon’s work bridges individualist and group-level modeling, showing how organizational goals arise from constraints on individual roles, not from the aggregation of preferences alone.
Inspired by Simon’s work, organizational scientists embraced group realism in that they favored small working groups as building blocks of organizations, rather than individuals. In particular, they see working groups as more “real” since they have explicit boundaries, differentiated roles, and exhibit specific functions within the organization [36]. This view is discussed at length in Leavitt’s paper “Suppose we took groups seriously…” (1976), laying the foundation for a systems-level approach to small group performance, known today as team science [37, 36, 38, 39, 9, 40, 41]. Like Schumpeter before him, Leavitt sought to put aside metaphysical debates by framing the question as a methodological debate. Hence, he championed empirical research on how communication structures shape group outcomes—drawing on the experimental work of Bavelas and others [42, 43]. Since then, the irreducibility of group performance has become a mainstay in team science, yet we still lack a unified modeling framework informed by ideas from the metaphysics of groups. In other words, we need a modeling framework that can account for groups with varying temporal dynamics and capabilities.
The evolutionary dynamics of group-level features
Anthropologists and cultural evolutionists have emphasized the coevolution of human psychology and group dynamics to explain our unique capacity for large-scale cooperation [44, 45]. Human cognition is uniquely attuned to social learning—especially through conformity, prestige bias, and over-imitation—while deviant behavior is regulated through norms and reputational sanctions. A striking feature of human psychology is our tendency to over-imitate: children across cultures faithfully reproduce unnecessary steps in tasks [46, 47]. Early over-imitation in children helps explain humans’ unique propensity to learn and teach cultural behaviors later in life, from cooking to rituals to the internalization of corporate cultures. This motivation for specific actions and patterns of thought within groups, or norms, is further reinforced when contrasted with other groups at all ages.. From a modeling perspective, these learning biases promote greater within-groups similarity while preserving variation between them.
Such dynamics lend themselves to formal modeling via multilevel selection or cultural group selection. When traits benefit the group more than the individual, group-level selection can dominate—even if the trait is individually costly. As Darwin himself proposed, traits like patriotism or self-sacrifice—especially in the context of intergroup warfare—may evolve because groups that promote them outcompete more selfish ones [48, 49]. Recent studies show that group extinctions due to violent intergroup competition occur on timescales of 500-1,000 years [50]. Crucially, this logic applies not only to tribes or ethnic groups but also to voluntary organizations such as churches, universities, and firms, where selection acts more rapidly and competition is often nonviolent [8].
In parallel, institutional theorists such as Nelson and Winter extended evolutionary models to firms, reframing Schumpeter’s notion of “creative destruction” as a process of organizational selection. They argue that firms compete through varying strategies, technologies, and routines, some of which prove more adaptive than others [51]. Unlike neoclassical economics, their approach emphasizes bounded rationality: agents operate with limited information and adopt heuristics, leading to persistent diversity rather than convergence to an optimum. In this context, concepts like path dependence were thought to illustrate how early choices—like the QWERTY keyboard—can lock in suboptimal solutions due to institutional inertia [52]. Once embedded, organizational routines become difficult to reverse. Douglass North extended this perspective by describing institutions as emergent systems that persist beyond individual lifespans through cultural transmission: “learning embodied in individuals, groups, and societies” that is “cumulative through time” [53]. For modelers, these ideas support representing institutions as evolving entities in their own right, with group-level traits such as norms, routines, and decision structures that are not reducible to individual behavior.
Cultural evolution theory and new institutional theory developed research programs around group-level traits that can evolve, stabilize, and compete in ways that go beyond individual-level dynamics. With models, they sought to avoid the earlier “Panglossian adaptationism”—the assumption that all observed traits are somewhat optimally selected [54, 50]. For modelers, the group-based approach raises two central challenges. First, group dynamics often cannot be captured solely through individual traits or pairwise interactions—even under assumptions of weak emergence. Second, group-level traits and individual incentives frequently diverge, especially in the context of intergroup competition or collective decision-making.
When inquiring about the unique nature of human groups, authors have grappled with several recurrent ideas: the varying temporal dynamics of group behaviors, the role of inter-group interactions, the apparent irreducibility of groups to their members, and potential misalignment between group minds and agents. As with the shortcomings of bipartite graphs in SNA, these ideas hint at recurring dimensions of groups that would benefit from being formalized mechanistically. From smaller, sometimes fleeting groups who maintain public goods to organizational behemoths, all demand explicit modeling of group composition and cross-level feedback.
3 Typology of groups and group-based modeling
The literature on group interactions is fragmented across communities, with ongoing disagreements about the underlying ontology of groups. Informed by the history of this literature, we define a typology of models of groups that integrates mathematical assumptions with the long-standing history of group interactions.
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Persistence: Are group interactions ephemeral or persistent? Do the interaction dynamics wash out any correlation between individual states?
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Coupling: How much do you need to know about non-members to predict group dynamics?
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Irreducibility: Can you predict a group’s behavior based solely on its members, or do you need extra information about the group itself?
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Misalignment: Do groups behave in ways that reflect the preferences of their members?
We use this typology to classify broad families of models based on the kinds of higher-order interactions they can represent. While this review focuses on models rather than the empirical aspects of human groups, we highlight connections to the empirical literature where possible.
3.1 Group persistence and intergroup coupling
When discussing the existence of a group, persistence and coupling consistently emerge as key features. Early on, Simmel and others studied how group size and composition influence stability. They compared smaller, tightly knit groups based on intimate connections (primary groups) with larger groups that promote formal organizations, impersonal interactions, and specialized roles (secondary groups), such as bureaucracies [55]. Broadly speaking, the idea of group persistence is intertwined with that of interactions between groups, as groups are believed to engage in cooperation or competition. Strongly competing groups are more tightly bound, as they may restrict interactions to maintain their advantage. In contrast, cooperative groups are more open and can facilitate the mixing of people and ideas, leading to a reduction in group differences. Although permanence and isolation are key features, their meaning varies depending on the social groups in question. Both work teams and ethnolinguistic tribes are, to some extent, permanent or relatively isolated, but in notably different ways.
From a modeling perspective, we distinguish groups formed through momentary interactions and those persisting in time. We define momentary group interaction as a set of individuals engaged in some shared activity within a time window that is short compared to the characteristic timescale of the dynamics. In the physics of HONs, these interactions can be modeled as hyperedges within an annealed hypergraph (see Box 1). Groups continuously form and dissolve, so the individuals with whom one interacts continuously change.
In contrast, group persistence generally induces dynamical correlations. For example, if an individual in a household gets sick, others in the household are likely to become infected sooner or later. Since the household persists over time—enforcing repeated interactions—the states of its members become correlated through the dynamics (here, a contagion process). We can therefore study how specific group interactions influence the local and global dynamics. In the limit of never-changing groups, these define a quenched structure, representable as a static hypergraph, where hyperedges (groups) connect to each other through shared nodes (e.g., a household and a sports team with a member in common). In this case, neglecting dynamical correlations may lead to a poor understanding of the system’s behavior. One can define models that, in addition to accounting for the quenched topology, are able to preserve dynamical correlations within groups by tracking the state evolution of each group [56]. The large amount of information used by such models makes them highly accurate but also computationally costly. Moreover, all that information is often difficult to access in real-world systems.
An alternative approach is offered by approximate master equations (AMEs) models [57, 58, 15]. Although assuming an infinite, annealed structure, such models can work as satisfactory approximations for large quenched (or slowly varying) topologies due to the dynamical correlations they account for. Groups are assumed to be constantly reshuffling, but not uniformly at random; they rather do so while respecting the current probability distribution of group states (e.g. proportion of groups with active and inactive nodes, for every and ), so that dynamic correlations within groups are preserved. More sophisticated formulations of AMEs can also account for some dynamic correlations between groups [15].
If groups persist over time, it then makes sense to ask if and how they interact with the outside social world. In Box 2, coupled groups are those in which out-group states provide information about within-group dynamics. For example, children playing together can spread infections between households. Similarly, group coupling affects information flow in social contagions—polarized groups freely exchange information internally but not externally. In pairwise networks, modularity captures this, but perfectly modular networks differ from quenched, coupled ones; in the former, contagion remains a sum of independent influences. In contrast, higher-order structures introduce nonlinear reinforcement, where repeated interactions within persistent groups amplify contagion beyond independent pairwise transmissions.
The coupling is distinct from adaptive networks, where individuals can move between groups based on several mechanisms, such as leaving when dissatisfied [59, 60, 15] or ascribed migration [61, ch.6]. Instead, our modeling allows for recombination, where a mix of ephemerality with persistence of group dynamics can result in something new. By modeling how individuals form, reshuffle, or stay put, we can achieve an adaptive group-structured system. In some cases, this approach might be better suited to model group processes such as intergroup competition [62, 63, 64]. In other cases, such as with social systems exhibiting strong polarization, coupling can instead be extended by adding a polarity to the coupling parameter. In this case, antagonistic influence could simply lead groups to adopt the opposite behaviors of what adverse groups are exhibiting, without requiring people to move [65].
The description of persistent group-based dynamics remains limited in that the state of a group is fully derived from that of its members. Group interactions in households impacting contagion dynamics seem reasonable enough, but what about clans within ethnolinguistic tribes competing with each other, or tacit organizational knowledge based on group-level cultural traits? To account for persistent cultural behaviors, we propose shifting our view from groups as sets of individuals engaged in multi-way interactions to a stronger notion of emergence based on group-level cultural traits [66].
3.2 Irreducible group-level features
In many ways, the vast majority of group interactions are mediated by cultural group-level traits, as human behaviors are regulated by institutions. Consider how sports teams consist of players, staff, and management, all working together to optimize team performance. Teams succeed or fail not only due to synergistic individual performance but also due to persistent group-level traits, such as how management decides to allocate resources among its members [67]. Cultural traits are considered to operate at the group level because they are shaped by the ratio of within-group and between-group competition, rather than by individual performance alone 111This argument draws on the Price Equation, which shows that the ratio of within-group to between-group variance determines the conditions under which group selection can outweigh individual selection [45]. Here we avoid introducing yet another formalism to the paper and keep the text focused on the formalism discussed in the mathematical boxes.. For example, if management chooses to distribute resources more evenly, it reduces within-group competition for the best contracts [68]. In this context, contracts promoting equity serve as one of many norms that facilitate cooperation among team members, contributing to the group’s overall organization. In Box 3, this idea is captured as an abstract group-level feature, , which can be framed as fostering altruistic states among teams.
By assuming group-level independence, we can directly model how groups adopt a series of discrete levels of institutional strength to enhance their capacity to promote individually costly behaviors. In the current form of the model, adopting stronger norms results in a faster adoption rate of costly behaviors among members, but this can be further elaborated (as we do in Sec. 3.3). In our team example, modern teams could engage in increasingly sophisticated strategies to promote team equity. Just as coupling involves knowing the state of out-group members to predict the state of individuals within groups, irreducibility can be understood as the amount of information about the group required to predict the state of its members. When group state is perfectly correlated with that of its members, it is fully reducible.
Without group-level traits, groups are indistinguishable if their members find themselves sharing the same states. Once we account for group states, these may vary or remain constant while shaping the dynamics within groups. For example, a team might change its communication platform, influencing group dynamics. But practically, we are interested in how those changes may lead to groups being more or less successful, exhibiting group-level fitness. In Box 3, group-level fitness influences how groups decide to scale institutional strength up or down, based on a trade-off between achieving success and balancing other factors, such as the potential costs of scaling up group norms. With group-level features, we can begin to inquire about the impact of perceived success, or perhaps prestige, of neighboring groups on within-group dynamics [45, 69].
We highlight some key findings based on the dynamics of models from Box 3. First, there are critical thresholds in terms of collective costs, benefits, and the individual adoption rate that determine the widespread adoption of costly behaviors, as expected. Then, in this situation, we see a pattern of “institutional localizations” in which a specific institutional level dominates the fitness landscape within certain parameter ranges [5, 69]. This has raised questions about the conditions under which groups invest in scaling up their policies versus relying on other groups to bear the burden of increased institutional efforts while reaping the benefits within their own groups—what has been dubbed as “institutional free-riding” [5]. Lastly, when individual behaviors are perceived as excessively costly (perhaps adopting equitable contracts by sports players in our example is seen as such), institutions may respond by intensifying their efforts to promote those behaviors [5]. This “call to action” suggests that worst-case scenarios can drive institutional change, whereas more tolerable situations may be accepted, leading to lower overall adoption rates.
Irreducible features help distinguish between groups as mere containers of interactions and groups as entities with higher-level traits subject to selection. The group independence assumption is a useful simplification in that we can directly model institutional dynamics without having to explain their emergence. Yet, organized groups rarely emerge in a mathematical vacuum. Increased institutional strength is fundamentally correlated with changes in resource management and social hierarchy, which we both include as components of misalignment.
3.3 Alignment of individuals and groups
We define alignment as the degree to which individual-level states—such as preferences, beliefs, or actions—are congruent with group-level dynamics. Alignment arises when group behavior reinforces individual goals, and vice versa. In contrast, misalignment occurs when groups produce outcomes that persist despite contradicting or neglecting the goals of their members. Alignment interacts with previous dimensions to capture a diversity of group phenomena in nature.
In animal behavior, alignment can be as simple as flocks of birds or schools of fish emerging from individuals obeying local interaction rules, such as repulsion, attraction, or predator avoidance [70, 71]. These decentralized dynamics generate group-level benefits (e.g., anti-predator shielding) that align with individual fitness. Similar effects can arise in human systems. In such cases, group-level properties emerge from simple local rules that reinforce individual goals.
In contrast, misalignment arises when group-level patterns feed back in ways that contradict individual incentives. A simple example is that of Roger’s Paradox, where over-reliance on social learning degrades the quality of decisions in changing environments [72]. When individuals copy others rather than directly engaging with the world, groups risk becoming unresponsive or locked into outdated norms [73]. A similar dynamic appears in Condorcet’s jury paradox, where individually rational votes aggregate into irrational majorities. In both cases, individuals act sensibly based on local information, yet the group produces outcomes no one intended. Real-world examples abound: alarm calls become noisy under excessive imitation [74], and speculative bubbles form when investors herd without reevaluating fundamentals [75]. In such models, misalignment arises within persistent but reducible groups—structures where individual behavior correlates over time, but the group exerts no independent influence.
With irreducible groups—those possessing persistent states such as norms or policies—misalignment takes on a more institutional character. These group-level structures can persist even when they diverge from the preferences or goals of individual members. Consider researchers choosing between slower, more reproducible methods and faster, less rigorous ones. When success metrics reward publication volume, individuals are incentivized to cut corners—even if the group would benefit from quality-focused norms [76, 68]. This is not necessarily a case of bad actors engaging in p-hacking; rather, individuals may continue practices they have learned and seen rewarded, despite growing evidence of their detrimental effects [77]. Groups may attempt to enforce better norms through institutional policies, but unless those norms are strong, visible, and valued, individuals may simply defect through apathy. In this context, misalignment stems not from resistance but from indifference.
This mismatch between individual incentives and collective structures is not just a product of faulty aggregation. Institutions evolve on different timescales and are often sustained by mechanisms like prestige [78], norm entrenchment [45], or institutional lock-in [52]. They may persist even when they no longer serve their members, creating structural inertia that deepens misalignment. Conversely, institutions can promote better practices—such as transparency or methodological rigor—while individuals may exhibit inertia on shorter timescales, failing to adapt even when norms shift in that direction.
We explore this dynamic more formally in Box 4, which presents a minimal model of institutional misalignment. Individuals belong to groups (e.g., cliques), each with an institutional quality level , determining the perceived value of public goods . Strategy updates—such as choosing to cooperate or defect—depend on peer behavior and institutional satisfaction. The probability of adopting cooperation follows a sigmoid function that can capture responsiveness to institutional strength. Here, individuals behave more cooperatively when institutions are perceived as strong, and vice versa.
Crucially, the model allows institutional misalignment to become self-reinforcing. If a group under-invests in norms (low ), cooperation declines, leading to weaker outcomes and even lower investment—a “race to the bottom”. Conversely, well-maintained institutions can stabilize cooperation, even under noise or temptation to defect. This dynamic reflects a feedback loop: individuals are sensitive to norms only when the group visibly invests in collective goods. Otherwise, they default to inaction, and group performance collapses. The model also incorporates bounded rationality via a sensitivity parameter . When is low, behavior becomes noisy and less strategic; when is high, behavioral thresholds sharpen, approximating rational adaptation. This flexibility allows us to interpolate between stochastic imitation and goal-oriented decision-making. Importantly, the institution itself evolves. Group-level quality rises or falls based on internal dynamics (e.g., number of cooperators) and comparisons to other groups. Institutions that succeed in managing public goods attract more cooperation, which in turn reinforces their strength—linking micro-level behavior to macro-level evolution.
If research groups exist in a cultural context that strongly values individual achievement (e.g., the myth of the heroic inventor), efforts to shift the unit of selection from individuals to groups may be resisted [8]. Our model captures this interplay: cooperation spreads through peer imitation and group identity but is moderated by the perceived quality of institutions. A group may invest heavily in promoting cooperative norms—such as mentoring, code review, or rigorous methodology—but if members remain indifferent, these norms may fail to take hold. Irreducible institutions do not merely shape strategy—they also define roles, responsibilities, and prestige. In this way, misalignment interacts with social differentiation: institutions like academia offer stable roles (e.g., professor, advisor) that come with behavioral expectations, but if those roles become disconnected from individuals’ lived experiences or values, misalignment arises not just in behavior, but in identity and purpose.
By treating institutions as persistent group-level states that both shape and respond to individual behavior, we can model the coevolutionary feedback between people and structure. Misalignment, in this view, is not a statistical quirk; it is a dynamic process through which group norms and individual actions gradually diverge, potentially undermining collective goals. Conversely, individuals can also diverge from long-term, sustainable goals promoted by groups.
4 Discussion
We outlined four dimensions of group models, integrating insights from higher-order interaction networks and the long-standing history of group interactions. We recognized the former to mainly address weakly emergent group behaviors, whether ephemeral or persistent. By incorporating group-level features, we improve our ability to represent the coevolution of individuals and institutions. Along the way, we proposed a hierarchy of models that can explore these dimensions within a nested family of dynamical systems. While these models can become mathematically complex, their critical properties remain solvable through a simple mathematical recipe (see Appendix). Before concluding, we highlight some challenges and future directions in applying our framework to empirical research.
Measuring group-level features
Measuring co-authorship is easier than measuring the norms and institutions shared by research groups. Individual interactions often seem easier to measure than group interactions. Yet, this does not mean that social networks are more real than group interactions. Individual interactions are not as easy to measure as they seem; social networks are subject to assumptions and are often error-prone [79]. What we define as nodes and edges depends on the research question; for example, friendship can be defined reciprocally or not, leading to different networks [80]. It is also beneficial to remind ourselves that all social interactions occur within specific sociotechnical contexts. Individual productivity is easier to measure because we have made it so, and co-authorship is particularly prominent, as Western scientists have long attributed ideas to individuals [8]. Ultimately, the key is to use the right tools for the work at hand. Researchers studying teams in science should model changing norms and policies, as the meaning of co-authorship varies over time and across different communities. The availability of group interactions does not exempt us from clear assumptions about their meaning.
That being said, how would we start to measure group-level features? Anthropologists, among other fields, made tremendous efforts to measure and characterize cultural groups throughout the world. In recent times, researchers have begun to address the challenges of codifying norms and policies, making them accessible through open databases [81, 82, 83]. Another example is the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker data, which was a tremendous effort by public health researchers to track policies adopted by governments in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. A key part of their effort was ensuring intercoder reliability in how a team of experts quantified the strength of government responses. In general, this ability to organize scientific teams on a larger scale to agree on relevant norms has been shown to be key to modeling group-level features [84].
Measuring misalignment
Strongly emergent misalignment is the most challenging dimension to estimate because it involves variability in individual preferences and group dynamics. How do we determine if a sports team’s management or a research group is misaligned with the interests of its members? Worse still, what about misalignment in organizations such as a “Mafia” or a “Church”? We must rely on evolutionary models; if the group-level feature is assumed to promote group success, in terms of higher fitness, then misalignment occurs whenever individual preferences are not aligned with that functional goal. Sometimes, it is obvious, as with suicide bombers willing to die for their group to prosper. Most of the time, this is more nuanced, as with religious acts that entail serious risks and significant investments of time, leading to increased performance of the group relative to other religious groups [85]. Modeling functional group behaviors has been controversial, but the combination of contemporary theoretical modeling and fieldwork can help us identify the necessary ingredients to determine when group-beneficial traits are favored, as one of many potential alternative stable states [86, 6, 87, 50]. Once again, a key aspect of quantifying misalignment is intercoder reliability among domain experts when identifying latent norms and policies, as well as individual variability, which can then be used to make predictions.
Group minds redux
When early social scientists discussed the idea of “group minds”, they made logical arguments about society exhibiting organism-like characteristics. This has led to a kind of Panglossian evolutionism, where group adaptation is everywhere while motivating a Victorian laissez-faire [54], which was later dismissed. In our typology, we are assuming that group-level features, such as norms and institutions, do influence group-level fitness. Importantly, fitness is defined generally in our model, but it must be empirically specified. In the case of interfirm competition, for instance, empirical research continues to specify how exactly organizational breakthroughs in management and innovation improve overall firm success, whether through differential survival or proliferation [45]. It is related but not reducible to the idea of group minds as collective intelligence, or weak emergence. In this view, there is a similar ongoing effort to empirically assess how teams perform better than the sum of individual performance, most notably through complementary skills, communication strategies, or diversity of expertise [88]. As such, the question of whether particular group-level features and weak emergence entail the existence of group minds remains open and is subject to empirical inquiry, although it has been influenced by extensive modeling work.
It is worth mentioning that philosophers have argued at length in recent years about the meaning of groups exhibiting cognitive-like properties [89, 90]. As with collective intelligence, some aspects of it are generally accepted, such as ants exhibiting memory-like properties through pheromone trails [91]. However, as with the organism-like analogy, what is meant exactly by a corporation lying about the fuel efficiency of its vehicles is still an ongoing ontological debate [92]. In its strongest form, philosophers argue that groups capable of believing, knowing, asserting, or even lying can be held accountable for their actions, effectively becoming moral entities—an issue that falls beyond the scope of this review [92].
Big groups and networked norms
Our typology is meant to represent group interactions, both small and large. However, some group interactions are too abstract and hierarchical to currently fit into our modeling work; for example, a federal government issuing an executive order like a mask mandate. As such, the key level of analysis for our typology is the level at which policies are implemented, for instance, local health departments. At this level, groups can be thought of as copying and learning from each other. There is also an additional layer of global top-down influence, referred to as “higher-level” political-economic institutions, which interact with both “lower-level” institutions, such as those related to kinship, marriage, religion, and people’s cultural psychology. Only by developing models that can capture the joint influence of individual variability along with that of lower-level institutions can we begin exploring the larger, more diverse “pluralistic” political institutions [93, 94].
Our family of models focused on models with binary states at the individual level and a single abstract group-level state that influences those states. Nothing prevents our work from being extended to more complex states at all levels. One more challenging generalization is to consider overlapping institutions and identity as part of the connection between groups. People have overlapping memberships, which are known to significantly impact the dynamics of systems. Similarly, norms and institutions often come in bundles, with specific networks of practices.
Conclusion
As the modeling of group dynamics and higher-order networks flourishes, we will continue to see new mathematical approaches to describe groups. By using our typology to compare models, we hope to not only clarify and classify existing efforts but also identify types of groups and group interactions that are currently ignored by these efforts.
5 Acknowledgments
The authors acknowledge support from the following sources: J.S-O & J.L. from the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation (Grant #G-2024-22498); R.H., G.B. & J.L. from the US National Science Foundation (Grant #2242829); G.B., T.M. & L.H.-D. from the National Science Foundation (Grant #2419733). Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the aforementioned financial supporters.
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Appendix
Critical points of group-based models
In building our typology of group-based models, we introduced a nested hierarchy of mathematical descriptions aimed at capturing different dimensions of groups. By moving from mean-field models to group-based models, one can capture the persistence of group members, adjust coupling between groups, or introduce group-level features. Typically, these different modeling approaches are solved with different methods, such as explicitly solving for the fixed points of mean-field models, or for the detailed balance of master equations. However, our nested descriptions can all be solved with a common perturbative approach. While our typology and main text are aimed at a wide audience, this appendix presents the perturbative approach for the specialized readers interested in the physics and dynamics of group-based models.
Here, we show how to compute the invasion threshold separating the inactive absorbing phase, where every agent is inactive/susceptible/defective, from an active one where active/infected/cooperative agents are sustained. This is done by studying the impact of small perturbations around the inactive absorbing phase. More precisely, expressing the activation rate as , we want to find the critical value such that, at equilibrium, the populations is fully inactive for and has non-zero activity for . Given the formal symmetry between activation and deactivation rates in the models’ equations, the calculation of the invasion threshold for deactivation (separating a fully active phase from an inactive one) follows through identical steps. We thus only present the derivation of the invasion threshold for activation, .
For the model in Box 1, a general closed form solution is accessible for . The models in Box 2 to Box 4 allow for an implicit solution when deactivation (or activation) is an interaction-independent process. The recipe for obtaining the implicit solution is formally the same in all three cases: linearizing the equations, imposing stationarity, and finally relating the invasion threshold to the largest eigenvalue of a matrix associated with the obtained linear system by leveraging the Perron-Frobenius theorem.
Box 1
Let us first consider the case where both activation and deactivation are interaction-based processes. Close to the inactive absorbing state, we can expand from Eq. (1) around to find, at leading order,
(9) |
where denotes the average of over the group size distribution . This is immediately solved to give, for small ,
(10) |
The small perturbation will thus either grow or shrink exponentially depending on whether the argument of the exponential is positive or negative, respectively. Imposing that argument to be zero, using (and imposing without loss of generality), we thus find
(11) |
Proceeding in the same way for the case where deactivation is interaction-independent, the linearization of Eq. (2) eventually yields .
Box 2
Assuming deactivation is an interaction-independent process, the dynamical equations take the form
(12) |
with given in Eq. (4), for and .
We linearize Eqs. (12) around the inactive state , being the fraction of active agents per group, via the expansion
(13) |
where denotes the fraction of groups of size . The variables must satisfy from the definition of , while , assumed to guarantee the inactive state to be absorbing. To the lowest order in , after conveniently dividing both sides by , Eqs. (12) become
(14) | ||||
(15) |
where we omitted the equation for as only of the equations are linearly independent due to the conservation of the total probability .
Now, since right at the invasion threshold the small perturbation neither grows nor shrinks, we can impose . In this way, we obtain a determined linear system of unknowns, i.e., . This can be immediately recast in the form of an eigenvalue problem,
(16) |
where and is a non-negative and irreducible matrix. From the Perron-Frobenius theorem [95], admits only one physical eigenvector of real, non-negative entries and such eigenvector is associated to its largest eigenvalue, . Therefore, the critical condition for the invasion threshold is
(17) |
Finally, using , the invasion threshold is found as the smallest value of for which admits a solution that satisfies .
Box 3
Assuming deactivation is an interaction-independent process, the dynamical equations take the form
(18) |
for , , . We introduced two generic functions representing the transition rates from level to (for given and ), assumed to satisfy as the fraction of active agents per group in the population goes to zero. The specific model in Box 3 is recovered by setting .
To transform Eqs. (18) into a linear system we proceed by linearizing them around through the expansion
(19) |
where we defined the fraction of groups of size and trait , . We have the relation from the definition of . Also, , assumed to guarantee the inactive state to be absorbing. To the lowest order in , Eqs. (18) thus become
(20) | ||||
(21) | ||||
(22) |
At the invasion threshold the small perturbation neither grows nor shrinks, thus we impose . First, Eq. (20) provides a closed linear system in the variables from which, by requiring detailed balance (i.e., that the transition rates between adjacent states are equal), we find the recursion . By iteration, we get
(23) |
where , from which
(24) |
Knowing the proportions , we now set the left-hand side of Eqs. (21) and (22) to zero to get a closed linear system in the variables . We can easily rearrange Eqs. (21) and (22) to express each as a linear combination of its adjacent states (, ), and each as a linear combination of potentially all other states (due to the sum in the right-hand side of Eq. (21)). Defining the -dimensional vector , where , the resulting linear system can be recast in the eigenvalue problem , where is an non-negative and irreducible matrix. Applying the Perron-Frobenius theorem as before, we conclude that the critical condition for the invasion threshold is . Using , the invasion threshold is found as the smallest value of for which admits a solution that satisfies .
Box 4
Assuming deactivation is an interaction-independent process, the dynamical equations take the form
(25) |
for , , . The equation above generalizes the model in Box 4 by introducing the generic functions (i) and of spontaneous individual activation and deactivation, (ii) , relating the transition rate to/from level from/to level to the cost needed to upgrade to/sustain level , and (iii) as in the previous section, for the transition rate from trait to traits due to inter-group interactions (again assumed to satisfy as the fraction of active agents per group in the population goes to zero).
We linearize around the free state defined here as the one where every agent is inactive () and all groups have trait (), and require and (in addition to ) to guarantee the free state to be absorbing.
Generalizing what done in the previous section, we linearize Eqs. (25) around the free state through Eq. (19) and , to get the expansion
(26) |
being the proportion of groups of size . The relations and hold. To the lowest order in , Eqs. (25) become
(27) | ||||
(28) | ||||
(29) | ||||
(30) | ||||
(31) |
As before, since at the invasion threshold the small perturbation neither grows nor shrinks, we impose . We first observe that and always appear summed together. Defining , we thus obtain a determined linear system of independent equations (one constraint for each value taken by being probability conservation, i.e., ) of unknowns, i.e., plus . We can finally recast the system in the form , being and an non-negative and irreducible matrix. Applying the Perron-Frobenius theorem and using , the invasion threshold is found as the smallest value of for which admits a solution that satisfies .