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New Indicator of Household Attentiveness and Its Implications

Hie Joo Ahn and Shihan Xie Ahn: Federal Reserve Board of Governors, 20th Street and Constitution Avenue NW, Washington, DC 20551, U.S.A. Email: econ.hjahn@gmail.com. Xie: Department of Economics, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 1407 W Gregory Dr, MC-707, Urbana, IL 61801, U.S.A. Email: shihan.xie@gmail.com. We would like to thank Lucas Moyon and Daniel Villar Vallenas for their helpful comments at the early stage of this project. The views expressed herein are those of the authors, and do not reflect the views of the Federal Reserve Board or any person associated with the Federal Reserve System.

Household attentiveness is an important source of macroeconomic fluctuations. It determines the effectiveness of monetary policy via expectation formation and decision-making (e.g., Mackowiak_2015; CGW2022). However, given that attention is not directly observable, it is particularly challenging to measure households’ attentiveness to macroeconomic news. For this reason, there has been no reliable individual-level indicator that directly measures whether an individual in a household pays attention to macroeconomic news. The development of an individual-level indicator would precede an aggregate measure of attentiveness.

This paper develops an individual-level indicator of attentiveness to economic news based on the Michigan Survey of Consumers. We exploit an under-explored question in the survey about whether a person recalls any news related to business conditions in the past few months. The survey also distinguishes whether an individual recalls positive or negative news, from which we construct an individual-level indicator of attitude. These questions have been asked monthly in the survey since 1978M1. Based on the individual-level indicators, we further develop the aggregate-level measures of households’ attentiveness and attitude, which we call “the attentiveness index” and “the attitude index”, respectively. We find that the attentive index exhibits countercyclical variations, while the attitude index is procyclical.

Using these novel individual-level indicators, along with the rich information on survey respondents in the dataset, we find new facts about the unique effects of political affiliation on attentiveness and attitude–the unexplored channels–and how each effect is translated into the accuracy of households’ inflation forecasts. Uncovering the attentiveness and attitude channels in the link between partisanship and expectations is a novel contribution to the literature on expectation formation.111See, for example, mian2021partisan, gillitzer_political_inflation, bachman_partisan, and kamdar2022polarized.

Individuals with higher education attainment, higher income, own home or stocks pay more attention to economic news.222ahn2022effects and ahn2023portfolio show that household asset holdings affect the accuracy of their macroeconomic projections via the attention channel, and the motive related to household finance endogenously determines the degree of attentiveness to macroeconomic news. These individuals produce better inflation expectations than others. However, higher attentiveness does not always lead to more accurate inflation forecasts. For example, households with strong political affiliations are more attentive to economic news, but on average, make worse inflation forecasts than others. What explains this phenomenon? We find that attention, in general, improves inflation forecasts. However, excess pessimism–selective recall of bad news–worsens the accuracy of inflation forecasts.

Strong political affiliation creates excess pessimism. Specifically, partisanship motivates an individual to pay attention to negative economic news more than to positive news when the supporting party is not in power. Meanwhile, independent households do not exhibit such a pattern. As a consequence, individuals whose supporting party loses the presidential election produce larger inflation forecast errors than others. This selective recall of negative news eventually leads to upside biases in inflation forecasts.

Our finding has implications for theory and policy. Higher attentiveness does not always lead an economic agent to better decision-making because of the excess-pessimism bias. Such bias may be important for modeling expectation formation. Relatedly, the central bank’s independence and clear communication may help alleviate the bias in households’ inflation expectations, eventually preventing the spillover of political uncertainty to the macroeconomy. This possibility is a promising empirical research topic given its importance (e.g., reis2021).

1 Measuring household attention

Mention that the countercyclical attentiveness is good for monetary policy transmission – people pay more attention.

We construct individual-level measures of attentiveness to economic news and attitude toward economic conditions based on microdata from the Michigan Survey of Consumers (MSC, henceforth). For this, we exploit the following question from the MSC:

“During the last few months, have you heard of any favorable or unfavorable changes in business conditions? What did you hear?”

We use individual-level monthly responses to this question for the period of 1978M1-2023M8. We create a new variable called attentiveness, a dummy variable that equals 11 if households recall at least one change and 0 if not. Similarly, we create a new auxiliary variable called attitude, a categorical variable that equals 11 if households recall only favorable changes, 1-1 if only unfavorable changes, and 0 otherwise. Furthermore, we use a dummy variable pessimism to capture negative attitudes, i.e., attention to only bad news. During the sample period, about 60 percent of households recall at least one change. Among the respondents who recall at least one change, about 18 percent recall only favorable changes, and 34 percent recall only unfavorable changes.333A small fraction of attentive households recall both good and bad news at the same time.

Refer to caption
Refer to caption
Figure 1: Attentiveness and attitude index
{figurenotes}

This figure plots the authors’ constructed measures of aggregate households’ attentiveness (upper panel) and attitude (lower panel) towards economic conditions. Shaded areas are NBER recession dates. The sample period is 1978M1-2023M8.

Figure 1 reports the indices of attentiveness and attitude. The two indices show quite different dynamics: The attentiveness index is countercyclical but the attitude index is procyclical. Households pay more attention to economic news when macroeconomic conditions deteriorate. The attentive index indicates that their memory of recent macroeconomic events is consistent with the realized cyclical effects of these events on the aggregate economy. This observation suggests that increased exposure to unfavorable economic news is the key driver of countercyclical attentiveness. Consistent with findings in coibion2015information, households endogenously become more attentive to economic news as uncertainty increases during recessions.444ahn2023portfolio documents that, in particular, stock market participants become more attentive during periods of heightened uncertainty.

2 Determinants of households attention

Next, we explore factors determining households’ attentiveness with the following empirical model:

Yit=αt+βXit+ϵit,Y_{it}=\alpha_{t}+\beta X_{it}+\epsilon_{it}, (1)

where the regressor XitX_{it} includes educational attainment, income, homeownership, stock-market participation, and strong political affiliation. The MSC started to occasionally ask respondents if they would think of themselves as “a Republican, a Democrat, or an Independent” starting in the mid-1980s. Respondents who identify themselves as Republican (Democrat) are followed up with a question on whether they would call themselves as strong Republican (Democrat). On average, about 28 percent of respondents self-identify as Republican while 31 percent as Democrat. Among Republicans (Democrats), about 59 percent (63 percent) would call themselves strong Republican (Democrat). We use time-fixed effects αt\alpha_{t} to control for business-cycle fluctuations.

The estimation result is reported in Column (1) of Table 1. Individuals who are college graduates, have higher incomes, own homes, and participate in the stock market pay more attention to economic news than others. Last, households with strong political affiliations also show higher attentiveness.

Table 1: Household characteristics, attentiveness, and forecast errors
Dependent variable Attentiveness Forecast errors
(1) (2)
Homeowner 1.58∗∗∗ -0.15∗∗∗
(0.45) (0.040)
Stock market participation 8.90∗∗∗ -0.37∗∗∗
(0.47) (0.04)
College graduates 10.5∗∗∗ -0.20∗∗∗
(0.40) (0.04)
Income quintile 2.47∗∗∗ -0.12∗∗∗
(0.16) (0.014)
Strong political affiliation 3.98∗∗∗ 0.076∗∗
(0.36) (0.031)
Time fixed effects \checkmark \checkmark
Region \checkmark \checkmark
adj. R2R^{2} 0.085 0.149
Observations 60,898 49,619
{tablenotes}

The dependent variables are attentiveness×100\textit{attentiveness}\times 100 and inflation forecast errors in Columns (1) and (2) respectively. Robust standard errors are reported. ∗∗∗, ∗∗, denotes statistical significance at 1%, 5%, and 10% levels respectively.

3 Outcome of attentiveness

Does high attentiveness represent a better understanding of the current economic situation and lead to more accurate forecasts? In this section, we examine the effects of individual attributes on the accuracy of inflation forecasts and see whether individuals showing high attentiveness produce better projections.555ahn2023portfolio show that stockholders produce more accurate inflation forecasts than non-holders, and ahn2022effects find that homeowners update their expectations on inflation and real activity in a way that is consistent with the intended effects of monetary policy. We use 1-year ahead inflation forecast error which is measured as the absolute difference between 1-year ahead inflation forecast and the realized CPI inflation rate. We focus on inflation forecasts because the numeric responses are recorded so that the accuracy of expectation is quantitatively evaluated, unlike other expectations that are expressed in a qualitative manner (e.g., improve vs. deteriorate). We employ the same specification as Equation (1) but replace the dependent variable with inflation forecast errors.

Column (2) in Table 1 reports the estimation result. On average, those who pay more attention to economic news produce more accurate inflation projections. Specifically, being homeowners, stock-market participants, college graduates and individuals with higher incomes reduces errors in forecasting inflation.

One exception is having strong political affiliations, which deteriorates the accuracy of inflation forecasts despite increased attentiveness. To examine why strong political affiliation leads to biased forecasts, we dive into the inflation forecasts of a sub-sample of attentive households when different parties are in office. Consider the following empirical model:

Yit=\displaystyle Y_{it}= β1Democratit+β2Republicanit\displaystyle\beta_{1}\text{Democrat}_{it}+\beta_{2}\text{Republican}_{it}
+αt+γXit+ϵit,\displaystyle+\alpha_{t}+\gamma X_{it}+\epsilon_{it},

where Democratit\text{Democrat}_{it} and Republicanit\text{Republican}_{it} are indicators of whether the respondent is self-identified as a strong Democrat or Republican. The baseline is households that do not have strong political affiliations. We control for time-fixed effects and other demographic-fixed effects such as homeownership, stock market participation, educational attainment, and the rank of income.

Table 2 reports the empirical results. The estimated coefficients of Democratit\text{Democrat}_{it} and Republicanit\text{Republican}_{it} represent forecast errors of those affiliated households relative to the baseline group when Republican (in Column (1)) or Democrat (in Column (2)) is incumbent. Households with strong party affiliations make significantly larger forecast errors relative to those who do not when the rival party is incumbent. 666It is interesting to note that Democrats seem to be less over-optimistic when their supporting party is in power.

Table 2: Political affiliation and forecast errors
Dependent variable Forecast errors
(1) (2)
Democrat 0.41∗∗∗ -0.002
(0.054) (0.074)
Republican -0.34∗∗∗ 0.42∗∗∗
(0.051) (0.10)
Fixed Effects:
Homeownership \checkmark \checkmark
Stock market participation \checkmark \checkmark
College graduates \checkmark \checkmark
Income quintile \checkmark \checkmark
Time \checkmark \checkmark
Region \checkmark \checkmark
Incumbent party Republican Democrat
adj. R2R^{2} 0.199 0.073
Observations 21,564 14,668
{tablenotes}

The dependent variable is inflation forecast errors. Regressors are dummy variables for having a strong political affiliation with the Democrat or Republican party. The sample is restricted to attentive households only. Robust standard errors are reported. ∗∗∗, ∗∗, denotes statistical significance at 1%, 5%, and 10% levels respectively.

What explains this bias in inflation projections? One important source is excess pessimism about the economic outlook when the supporting party loses its presidential position. Figure 2 shows the polarization of attitudes between the two groups of different political affiliations. Specifically, Republicans’ attitude toward the economic outlook spiked at the end of 2016 when the Republican candidate (Donald Trump) won the presidential election, while the attitude of Democrats plunged after the election. Similarly, Democrats’ attitudes spiked at the end of 2020 when the Democratic candidate (Joe Biden) won the presidential election, while Republicans’ attitudes deteriorated abruptly. In contrast to the two groups, independents do not show sudden changes in the attitude associated with the presidential election.777This is consistent with the findings of kamdar2022polarized.

Refer to caption
Figure 2: Attitude by affiliation
{figurenotes}

This figure plots the attitudes of households that are democrats, republicans, and independent. The sample period is 2016Q2 - 2023Q2.

This observed excess pessimism has important implications for anchored inflation expectations which is a primary goal of monetary policy. Table 3 provides evidence that attentive households, on average, report lower and more accurate inflation forecasts. However, pessimism – captured as the negative attitude – is associated with higher inflation projections (Column (1)) and larger forecast errors (Column (2)). Specifically, after controlling individual characteristics and business cycle fluctuations, households who recall only negative news make higher inflation projections and larger forecast errors. Excess pessimism as a result of political polarization likely leads to excess volatility in inflation expectations and increased disagreement about the inflation outlook, which likely reflects the weakening of anchored inflation expectations.

Table 3: Attitude, attentiveness, and inflation forecasts
Dependent variable Inflation Forecast errors
(1) (2)
Attentiveness -0.58∗∗∗ -0.23∗∗∗
(0.028) (0.021)
Pessimism 1.20∗∗∗ 0.52∗∗∗
(0.028) (0.022)
Fixed Effects:
Homeownership \checkmark \checkmark
Stock market participation \checkmark \checkmark
College graduates \checkmark \checkmark
Income quintile \checkmark \checkmark
Time \checkmark \checkmark
Region \checkmark \checkmark
adj. R2R^{2} 0.080 0.119
Observations 137,748 131,392
{tablenotes}

The dependent variables in Columns (1) and (2) are inflation forecasts and forecast errors respectively. Robust standard errors are reported. ∗∗∗, ∗∗, denotes statistical significance at 1%, 5%, and 10% levels respectively. The sample period is 1978M1-2023M8.

To summarize, high attentiveness, on average, improves the accuracy of households’ inflation projections. However, strong political affiliations increase attentiveness but are biased toward polarized economic news, which eventually deteriorates the accuracy of inflation forecasts.

4 Implications

will rewrite this after the other parts are done This research has implications for monetary policy. Our finding shows that inflation expectations become polarized across individuals with different political affiliations in times of political uncertainty such as the presidential election. As a result, households’ inflation expectations may show excess volatility and individuals may disagree more about the inflation outlook, which can eventually lead to unanchored inflation expectations. As a result, political uncertainty can eventually weaken the effectiveness of monetary policy. In this context, the central bank’s independence and clear communication about policy path are particularly important in times of high political uncertainty, as they help prevent the spillover of political uncertainty to the macroeconomy.

Appendix A Appendix